The Free Economic Society - Sunday January 9, 1905
Medvedev found himself in the crowd along with several other members of the intelligentsia. He listened as Maxim Gorky spoke.
“Father Gapon is not dead. He survived the march and he gave me this letter which I will now read.
Dear comrades-workers,
And so there is no tsar! Between him and the people lies the blood of our comrades. Long live then the beginning of the popular struggle for Freedom! I bless you all. This very day I will be with you. I am busy at the moment.
Father Gapon.”
As Gorky finished reading Medvedev reflected on his conversation with the man he had assisted earlier. It truly did seem that more blood would have to be shed. There was no other way.
“Now I would like to welcome to the stage a personal representative for Father Gapon.” Gorky said as he stepped aside.
A thin clean shaven man walked out and stood next to Gorky.
“Thank you my friend.” Looking out at the crowd the man began to speak. His raspy voice showed the strain of overuse. “Well comrades now that there is no Tzar it is time to take action.”
People were not listening in silence. This speaker had begun provocatively. Everyone was turning to their neighbors to see if anyone knew who this man was. No one seemed to know who he was.
The man raised his hand to silence the crowd so he could continue. “We need money and we need weapons to begin the fight for our freedom.”
The crowd was not going to sit quietly and listen. This was an open call for revolution.
“You are content to talk about the need for reform. We are beyond talk now. It is time for action. I need you to vocally and unequivocally join the workers cause. We fight for freedom.”
Roars from the crowd exploded. “Get this man off the stage!”
“He is a traitor!”
“Who are you?”
Seeing the reaction from the crowd a couple of other men quickly ushered the speaker off the stage and out of site.
Medvedev was impressed with his conviction, even if he knew it was a road to heartbreak. The pursuit of freedom could not be achieved without more death. If those deaths led to true freedom they would be worth the sacrifice. The revolutionary parties however were not the vehicle for freedom. They dreamed utopian dreams but they could only ever govern like the tzar did. Could freedom be achieved without suffering and death?
Before he left that evening Medvedev learned that the fiery speaker had been Father Gapon himself. He was a committed radical now. He also had to be the most wanted man in Russia.
Father Gapon felt the need to capitalize on the anger of the workers. He sat and penned a letter.
“Dear Comrade-workers! The innocent blood of people has been shed. Let us store the feeling of anger and revenge toward the beast-tzar and his jackal-ministers. But have faith that the day will dawn when a host of workers more dreadful and more conscious will rise as one for freedom, for freedom for all Russia. Then do not weep for the dead heroes; console yourselves-we are beaten, but we are not conquered. Let us rather tear up all portraits of the bloodsucking tsar and say to him: be thou damned with all thine august reptilian progeny!”
Tsarskoe Selo - Sunday January 9, 1905
The Tzar grimaced as he wrote the words in his diary. He had not expected to hear the reports that he had. Now as the day came to a close he wrote:
“A terrible day! There were serious disturbances in Petersburg as a result of the workers wishing to reach the Winter Palace. The troops were forced to open fire in several parts of the town, there were many killed and wounded. Lord, how painful and how sad!”
He set his pen down not realizing the amount of rage that had built up against him over the course of a few hours on a sunny Sunday afternoon. The actions of his government that day had created more revolutionaries than any other event during his reign. Nicholas II went to sleep not knowing that Bloody Sunday was the beginning of the end of the Romanov dynasty.
The End
William Wilberforce has been called an agitator for his commitment to ending the slave trade. One of his well known speeches on the subject was given on May 12, 1789.
Cardinal Richelieu has been hailed as a great statesman and as a subversive authoritarian. Depending on who you talk to he was a man needed to strengthen the monarchy in France, or he was a tyrant seeking personal power. Next week I will have a book review that may shed more light on Cardinal Richelieu.
When Lenin was working on his major writing projects he would often pace across the room formulating the ideas that he would write down by saying them out loud. Once he had the idea for what he wanted to write he would often repeat the idea to Nadezhda Krupskaya, who would provide feedback. Once this process was complete he would then write the ideas down.
Here is an AI rendering of what that might have looked like when he was drafting What is to be Done.
This month this community will focus on political subversion. What is subversion? When is it justified? What is the interplay between subversion and agitation? These are some of the topics to be discussed this month.